While the popularity of the centre-right is on the wane in many western countries, centre-right parties should not get sucked into the idea that right-liberal policies are the way to win back voters.
The decline in support for centre-right parties over the last 20 years basically comes down to three factors:
1. unmarried women are tending to support the centre-left
2. declining home ownership is having an adverse impact on support for centre-right parties
3. ethnic minorities are voting for the centre-left.
The basic strategy of mainstream conservative parties since the early 1980s has been to try and contain left-liberalism through neo-liberal economic policy, and abandon the supposedly less important social sphere to the centre-left.
Unfortunately, this has resulted in increased immigration of left-leaning minorities and an accompanying increase in property prices which has made it harder for people to get a foot on the property ladder.
Since property owners are more likely to favour low taxes and economic stability, this decline in home ownership had undermined the traditional support base of the centre-right. Making things doubly bad is the fact that, as Steve Sailer points out, property affordability is also a decisive factor in
family formation.
Most potential centre-right voters are rational people who are unlikely to start a family until they have a reasonable chance of getting an affordable mortgage. While the marital or property status of men does not have a particularly big bearing on their political views, it often has a decisive impact on the voting patterns of women.
The longer women stay unmarried, the less likely they are to vote for the centre-right and the more likely they are to be swayed by the generous welfare policies of the left. This is a point highlighted by Democrat pundits Jon Judis and Ruy Teixeira in their new book
The Emerging Democratic Majority. According to Judis and Teixeira, during the 2000 congressional elections, single women backed the Democrats over the Republicans by a massive 63 percent to 35 percent.
The centre-right's strategy of liberalising the financial sector, while increasing non-western immigration, may have helped it gain short-term support from big business, but it has done massive damage to its electoral base. The sub-prime mortgage crisis in the US, in which taxpayers are having to bail out bankrupt lending institutions, is likely to further undermine popular support for the centre-right.
In recent decades, centre-right parties, such as the New Zealand National Party and the Australian Liberal Party, have tended to assume they could count on the support of economically successful minorities. However, recent evidence suggests that this assumption is no longer valid. For example, in California and Australia, East Asian voters are tending to vote for centre-left candidates, which seems counter intuitive from a class interest perspective. Part of the reason for this may be that Asian immigrants support the well-funded health and education services found in many English-speaking countries, but are able to avoid paying for the full cost of these services through taxation by earning a lot of their income overseas.
The current strategy of the centre right, as typified by National leader John Key and Conservative leader Duncan Cameron, is to move further to the left on social policy, so as to attract voters away from the now dominant centre-left, whilst maintaining a neo-liberal stance on economic issues. However, since centre-left parties have already moved towards the centre on economic issues, the centre-right is effectively chosing to campaign on territory where the centre-left is already well entrenched, and in so doing is failing to provide voters with a distinct alternative.
Since the Iraq War has done serious damage to the right's reputation for handling foreign policy issues, the most promising area where centre-right parties can recover lost ground is by moving to the right on immigration. Opinion polls show that the majority of voters in western countries are in favour of immigration restrictionism, and the social and economic externalities of immigration are probably the hotest topic on talk radio.
Given big business's involvement in promoting immigration expansionism and its tarnished reputation for passing on externalities to consumers, as seen in the blundering inefficiency of many national telecoms, and the corruption of companies like Enron, centre-right parties should not be promoting neo-liberal ideologues like libertarian Ron Paul to lead the charge against the centre-left.
In 2005, the National Party went to the polls with a libertarian ideologue of its own, former reserve bank governor Don Brash ( New Zealand's answer to Alan Greenspan) and despite a reasonable showing in the provinces, failed to regain office for a third time.
Sadly though, the centre-right is still not yet learning from its mistakes. In the US primaries many conservative voters and pundits are chosing to back the neoconservative canditate Rudy Guliano over the more conservative Fred Thompson, while limited immigration advocate Tom Tancredo has already pulled out of the running.
How many more electoral defeats will the centre-right have to suffer before it swings back to conservatism?