Political Correctness: A Vast Left Wing Conspiracy?

During the Monica Lewinsky scandal in 1998, Hillary Clinton used the phrase “vast right wing conspiracy” to describe and label her husband’s political enemies on the right. While there may have indeed been a concerted effort on the right to bring Clinton down, in point of fact, if any conspiracy in American politics deserves to be called “vast” it would be the “vast left wing conspiracy,” which has at least since the Progressive era attempted to redefine American politics in a leftward direction. While the early Progressives had some success in that effort, the left in America really came into its own during Roosevelt’s New Deal. As I have stated elsewhere in “What’s in a Word?” , the very term “liberalism” was redefined by Progressives during that period to mean something entirely different. As James Burnham so aptly described this redefinition in Suicide of the West (1964), classical liberalism, with its belief in individual liberty, had been transformed into modern liberalism, with its primary principle of egalitarian social justice (based on the influence of Marxism and other socialist doctrines). I’ll risk quoting Burnham again because he so appropriately describes that redefinition of liberalism:

This difference in human character type corresponds to a theoretical conflict within the ideology of modern liberalism: the conflict between the principles of free speech and the other individual freedoms on the one hand, and the principle of egalitarian social justice on the other. Essentially, it is a conflict between individualism and regimentation: the individualism that the liberal ideology derives from its past and the regimentation it has absorbed in the present. This conflict is real, and can be hidden but not solved by discussion, negotiation and compromise. It is a fact that liberalism’s inherited principles correspond to individualism, and a highly atomistic individualism at that. It is equally a fact that the Welfare State and plebiscitary democracy mean a good deal and an increasing deal of regimentation. One or the other must give way; and, on the evidence of the past generation, there is little doubt which is the tottering horn of that particular dilemma. (p. 171)

Of course, why rely on the opinion of a conservative about the nature of that transformation when we have no lesser authority than that perennial candidate for the Socialist Party, Norman Thomas, who said in a speech in 1944:

“The American people will never knowingly adopt socialism. But, under the name of “liberalism,” they will adopt every fragment of the socialist program, until one day America will be a socialist nation, without knowing how it happened.” He went on to say: “I no longer need to run as a Presidential Candidate for the Socialist Party. The Democratic Party has adopted our platform.”

But it was with the 1960s and the emergence of the New Left that the vast left wing conspiracy really came into its own. The anti-Vietnam War protests really pitted the New Left against the Old Left social democracy of LBJ, while conservatism did not really become a prominent political force in America until a reaction emerged to the excesses of the 1960s New Left and Countercultural revolts. The Political Correctness movement was both a cause and an effect of the New Left in that the origins of the New Left can be traced back to the cultural Marxism that was Political Correctness, and it was the triumph of the New Left that brought Political Correctness to the fore in American cultural and educational institutions such as schools, universities, and the media.

In 2004 the Free Congress Foundation, a conservative think tank, published “Political Correctness:” A Short History of an Ideology, Edited by William S. Lind. Lind, who wrote the Introduction to that work, stated the following:

While some Americans have believed in ideologies, America itself never had an official, state ideology – up until now. But what happens today to Americans who suggest that there are differences among ethnic groups, or that the traditional social roles of men and women reflect their different natures, or that homosexuality is morally wrong? If they are public figures, they must grovel in the dirt in endless, canting apologies. If they are university students, they face star chamber courts and possible expulsion. If they are employees of private corporations, they may face loss of their jobs. What was their crime? Contradicting America’s new state ideology of “Political Correctness.” (p. 2)

In Chapter II of the above mentioned work, “Historical Roots of ‘Political Correctness,’” Raymond V. Raehn has defined the problem of Political Correctness as follows:

America is today dominated by an alien system of beliefs, attitudes and values that we have come to know as “Political Correctness.” Political Correctness seeks to impose a uniformity of thought and behavior on all Americans and is therefore totalitarian in nature. Its roots lie in a version of Marxism which seeks a radical inversion of the traditional culture in order to create a social revolution. (p.1)

How did this come about? Lind and Raehn trace the origins of Political Correctness to the cultural Marxism of the Italian Communist, Antonio Gramsci, with his theory that to be successful and dominant in the West, Marxism needed to “march through [take over] the [cultural] institutions” of the West, and Georg Lukacs, a Hungarian Communist who in 1923 with other fellow Communist Party intellectuals founded the Frankfurt School in Germany. Lukacs, stated its purpose was to answer the question, “Who shall save us from Western Civilization?” (Lind, ‘What Is “Political Correctness”’? p. 5). Their goal was to undermine and destroy the foundations of Western civilization: Christianity, capitalism, and the so-called patriarchal-authoritarian family. The Frankfurt School became very influential in American universities after its leaders fled to the United States in the 1930s to escape Nazi Germany. Members of this group included Theodore Adorno (co-author of The Authoritarian Personality), Herbert Marcuse (author of Eros and Civilization and mentor of Angela Davis), Erich Fromm (author of Escape from Freedom), and Max Horkheimer. The Frankfurt School blended Marx and Freud and in the ferment of American universities in the 1960s, gave birth to “Critical Theory” and Political Correctness. The term Political Correctness has a long usage with the Communist Party and is synonymous with “the General Line of the Party” (Lind, Introduction, p. 2). I recall first hearing the term used in the 1970s in Ann Arbor, Michigan, in disputes between various Marxist factions – Maoists, Trotskyites, and radical feminists – as to which group was most politically correct. What Political Correctness as cultural Marxism shares with classical, economic Marxism is the vision of a “classless society”: A vision which, since it “contradicts human nature,” must be forced. Thus, Lind concludes that both classical and cultural Marxism “are totalitarian ideologies”: “The totalitarian nature of Political Correctness can be seen on campuses where ‘PC’ has taken over the college: freedom of speech, of the press, and even of thought are all eliminated” (‘What Is “Political Correctness”’? pp. 5 - 6). In a similar vein, Raehn has concluded: “Political Correctness is Marxism, with all that implies: loss of freedom of expression, thought control, inversion of the traditional social order and, ultimately, a totalitarian state” (p. 5). For those who express disagreement with the politically correct status quo, the left has been masterful at using name-calling – racist, sexist, homophobic – as a substitute for rational argument, especially when their Marxist agenda is exposed.

Another parallel between classical and cultural Marxism is that both “declare certain groups virtuous and others evil a priori, that is, without regard for the actual behavior of individuals” (Lind, p. 6). Thus, white males are automatically oppressors while members of acknowledged minority groups, such as blacks, Latinos, women, homosexuals, the Third World, are automatically deemed to be oppressed victims, and therefore, by race, gender, or ethnicity, granted the moral high ground. This is the morality of victimology: your moral status is assigned according to which oppressed or victim group you belong to and has nothing to do with your personal conduct. As Charles Sykes calls this “politics of victimization” a form of Orwellian doublethink, he poses the question: “How else can one describe the insistence that victims not be held responsible for their personal behavior conjoined with the belief that all members of so-called oppressor groups are responsible for crimes they themselves did not commit?” (A Nation of Victims, 1992, pp. 204 – 05). In other words, if you are a member of a victim group, as O.J. Simpson was, and you commit the crime of murder, you cannot be held responsible, but if you are a member of an oppressor group, you are held responsible for crimes you did not personally commit, such as the enslavement of African-Americans in the nineteenth century. For Political Correctness to succeed, belief in the Rule of Law, defined as equality before the law as principles universally applied to all citizens, must be undermined and eliminated. Both Affirmative Action and Hate Crimes are contrary to the rule of law and equality before the law, because they privilege certain favored (victim) groups.

Despite its championing of minorities, the oppressed, and victim groups, Political Correctness did not originate with such groups. Rather, it originated with Frankfurt School émigrés to the United States, as stated above, and their protégés on American university campuses. Christopher Lasch in The Revolt of the Elites (1995) has argued that unlike the 1930s, when Ortega y Gasset wrote The Revolt of the Masses (1930), which inspired the title to Lasch’s work, the current revolt was a revolt of the elite classes from the norms of Western and American civilization. Lasch has argued that despite Affirmative Action and the pretence of a socially mobile meritocracy of the educated elite, the “New Class” of what Robert Reich, former Labor Secretary under Bill Clinton, has called “symbolic analysts,” this new class of managers, professionals, and policy makers has become increasingly isolated from the rest of American society (Lasch, pp. 28 - 41):

The culture wars that have convulsed America since the sixties are best understood as a form of class warfare, in which an enlightened elite (as it thinks of itself) seeks not so much to impose its values on the majority (a majority perceived as incorrigibly racist, sexist, provincial, and xenophobic), much less to persuade the majority by means of rational debate, as to create parallel or “alternative” institutions in which it will no longer be necessary to confront the unenlightened at all. (Ibid., pp. 20 – 21)

While the evidence, as I have been arguing thus far, contradicts the claim that the left wing elite “seeks not so much to impose its values on the majority,” the point is well taken that they do view the unenlightened with disdain and seek to isolate themselves from contact with this majority. The electoral victory of Obama has given this class new found hope that they can indeed remake America into their own image of what they think it should be. Of course Lasch is not entirely ignorant of the proselytizing tendencies of this new class of upper-middle class “liberals” who “have mounted a crusade to sanitize American society” of tobacco, pornography, “hate speech,” and various chemical additives and pollutants. Lasch continued: “When confronted with resistance to these initiatives, they betray the venomous hatred that lies not far below the smiling face of upper-middle-class benevolence. Opposition makes humanitarians forget the liberal virtues they claim to uphold” (p. 28). As I’ve argued here and elsewhere, there’s nothing liberal about this new elite, at least to the extent that they subscribe to the tenants of Political Correctness and kowtow to the establishment of their peers. So the point being that the new elite, despite their professed belief in radical egalitarianism, do not themselves often rub shoulders with the great unwashed and unenlightened masses, but rather prefer to stay in their enclaves of privilege.

The current phase of Political Correctness is Multiculturalism, which advocates that our own Western and American cultures should not be privileged above any other world cultures, a form of cultural relativism. As undermining as that might be for our own culture, in point of fact, Multiculturalism privileges all non-Western cultures while it denigrates the Western and American cultures it intends to destroy. I will conclude with a statement from a previous article I wrote, “The Clash of Civilizations or the Suicide of the West?” :

Although Multiculturalism claims to promote diversity (of race, religion, ethnicity, and gender), what it does not promote is diversity in thought. Instead, it promotes a New Left, Marxian version of race, class, and gender warfare against America and the West; a new left wing monoculture that excludes, prohibits (when able to), and condemns all opposing viewpoints. As this ideology, through Political Correctness or the idea that one must conform to its tenants or be ostracized, has become dominant in American universities, schools, media, government, and even businesses, one could argue with some confidence that while America won the Cold War with the Soviet Union, she lost the war at home with Marxism.

I hope that I’m proven wrong in the near future.

Cultural double standards

Whenever a social scientist compares a non-western, indigenous population with a western one, the culture of the western population is usually defined as faulty, while the culture of the indigenous population is described positively.

In a Press article entitled "NZ past seen as damaging to men," (Saturday, February 2) concerning a new study by Otago University Professor Alistar Fox, it is suggested that British culture and colonialism are key factors in the violent behaviour of Maori men.

However, rather than just making the point that cultural alienation may be a factor in the violent behaviour of a certain section of the Maori population, and that European culture has often clashed with traditional Maori culture, the author of the study, at least according to the article, seems to suggest there is something wrong with European New Zealand culture per se.

For example, despite the fact that European New Zealand society has had one of the world's lowest white crime rates for over a century, the author of the study argues from New Zealand literature that European New Zealand values such as "a strong work ethic," "self-repression" and a "mistrust of emotions," have prompted white New Zealand males "to engage in a range of transgressive behaviours."

In reality though, the empirical evidence, in the form of very low crime rates, suggest that for violent behaviour at least, "self-repression" among white males may well have been a factor in lowering, rather than increasing serious anti-social behaviours. In fact, it is only in the few decades, as traditional protestant values have started to wane, that anti-social behaviour among white males has started to increase along the lines seen in other western countries like Britain.

Sure, protestant values may not have the same effect on Maori, who had a more open and communal culture, but that isn't to say such values haven't had a positive, civilising effect on European New Zealand males. Imagine if a social scientist said something like: "traditional Maori culture was brutal and collectivist, with little emphasis on personal responsibility or emotional restraint."Such a statement would immediately be regarded as racist and arrogant, yet saying that European New Zealand culture was "repressive" and led to "transgressive behaviours" is seen as perfectly acceptable by most left-liberal whites.

The article then includes some comment from Chief executive of Maori Family Violence Unit He Waka Tapu Daryl Gregory, which though possibly accurate, glosses over the high level of violence that existed in traditional Maori society prior to the arrival of Europeans:

"The process of colonisation was violent and left Maori feeling subservient to the coloniser.

"Seeing themselves as warriors made them feel strong, when in fact Maori men worked in a range of fields, such as gardeners and midwives, he said."

While colonisation was extremely disruptive and may well have had a negative impact on some aspects of Maori society, extensive archaeological evidence indicates high levels of violence were a fact of life in almost all pre-industrial societies, so it is highly unlikely that rates of crime among Maori increased significantly after European laws and customs were established.

Rather than blaming Europeans culture for the problems of a non-European group, social scientists and social workers should be focusing on how Maori can either adapt to European culture, or come up with their own ways of dealing with the challenges of colonisation.

It's totally non-sensical to blame one culture for the behaviour of people who don't come from that culture, but in liberal theory, there always seems to a need for a villain and a victim.

Cultural marxism

With economic Marxists it is relatively clear what they want to achieve - economic equality through the downfall of capitalism.

This may be a misguided and dangerous goal, but at least it is a goal. In contrast for cultural Marxists there is no goal. Behind a few vague, positive sounding slogans such as "diversity" and "inclusion," the only goal is to criticize and undermine western civilization.

I didn’t quite realize this fundamental point until I read a pithy article, The Origins of Political Correctness by Bill Lind.

The essense of the cultural Marxist approach is well summarized in the following passage:

"The stuff we’ve been hearing about this morning - the radical feminism, the women’s studies departments, the gay studies departments, the black studies departments - all these things are branches of Critical Theory. What the Frankfurt School essentially does is draw on both Marx and Freud in the 1930s to create this theory called Critical Theory. The term is ingenious because you’re tempted to ask, "What is the theory?" The theory is to criticize. The theory is that the way to bring down Western culture and the capitalist order is not to lay down an alternative. They explicitly refuse to do that. They say it can’t be done, that we can’t imagine what a free society would look like (their definition of a free society). As long as we’re living under repression - the repression of a capitalistic economic order which creates (in their theory) the Freudian condition, the conditions that Freud describes in individuals of repression - we can’t even imagine it. What Critical Theory is about is simply criticizing. It calls for the most destructive criticism possible, in every possible way, designed to bring the current order down. And, of course, when we hear from the feminists that the whole of society is just out to get women and so on, that kind of criticism is a derivative of Critical Theory. It is all coming from the 1930s, not the 1960s."

Economic Marxism has had a disasterous impact on an epic scale, but in some ways cultural Marxism is even worse.

Most European communist regimes in the 20th Century, focused on suppressing capitalism and bourgeois traits which were associated with capitalism. Other elements of western culture were only dismantled if they were deemed to be a serious obstacle to this objective. Subsequently, many aspects of traditional European culture, from nationalism and the nuclear family, to empirical science and classical music, were not overtly tampered with. In cultural Marxism all aspects of western civilization are called into question.

As a result, cultural Marxism takes a myriad of forms, which in many cases don’t even have a logically coherent basis. However, they all share one common trait, they are all focused around undermining the very culture which supports them.

Since, cultural Marxists have such a destruction and radical objective, they rarely call themselves Marxists and consider it best to disassociate themselves from anti-western Marxist regimes like Cuba and North Korea. Subsequently, they have been able to avoid the high level criticism, and in some cases persecution, which has been directed at economic Marxists.

For example, when universities in English-speaking countries consider funding cut-backs in the arts it’s usually in departments like foreign languages, history and English literature, while cultural Marxist enclaves like American studies, women’s studies, and sociology survive unscathed.

University administrators, schooled in the principles of market populism, claim this is because such courses are popular, and universities are under pressure to attract the student dollar. However, economic Marxism was very popular in the 1950s, yet back then there were no publicly funded university departments specifically devoted to promoting Marxist theory.

Similarly, since economic Marxists were more honest in their political affiliations, they made easier targets for right-wing liberals and conservatives, who could criticize them for being unpatriotic or divisive.

However, the strength of cultural Marxism today lies in the fact that its would be critics have little knowledge of the history of their own culture and so lack the confidence to attack challenge cultural Marxist propaganda.

Lets hope the latest trend towards ""Quality over quantity" in education turns our to have some substance and goes some way towards addressing this ignorance.